Archive for May, 2009

Climate Change: A Collective Action Problem

Sunday, May 31st, 2009

One argument against doing anything about climate change is that, even if we were to implement something like the Waxman/Markey bill currently being debated in the Senate, we would get very little reduction in greenhouses gases unless China, India, and the rest of the developing world also get on board. But because U.S. legislation has no power to compel others to cooperate, such legislation is useless.

I don’t understand this argument.

If global climate change is a genuine threat to human habitation, it is a threat to China, India, and other developing nations as well. Why would we assume that if the U.S. takes substantive steps to implement climate change, these developing nations will not do the same.

The primary disincentive to developing nations doing anything about climate change is the fact that rich nations, especially, the U.S. have done little. There is utterly no reason to think developing nations will not follow if we take the lead.

This is an example where having a bit of trust will go a long way.

 

Anti-Gay marriage “Arguments”

Thursday, May 28th, 2009

Jonathan Chait in the New Republic does a terrific job of showing why arguments against gay marriage are nonsense: They aren’t arguments.

When asked why they oppose gay marriage, conservatives usually repeat the platitude expressed so well by that paragon of marital virtue Rudy Guiliani:

“Marriage, I believe, both traditionally and legally, has always been between a man and a woman and should remain between a man and woman.”

But of course that is just a long-winded way of stating his opposition—it doesn’t explain why his is opposed. When asked why marriage “should remain between a man and a women” they offer up gibberish and Chait’s article is worth a read because he quickly exposes the hollow question-begging nature of the responses.

Most opponents of gay marriage can’t offer anything like a philosophical defense of their position. But there is a long-standing conservative argument available to them—they can argue that traditional beliefs have withstood the test of time and thus ought to have absolute authority.

This is an argument that I discuss in some detail in Reviving the Left.

I will not go into the details of that argument here but suffice it to say that if tradition has absolute authority, then women would not be allowed to own property or vote, blacks would still be enslaved, and we would still be ruled by the King of England.

The history of the United States and the democratic, liberal state in general arose precisely in opposition to the idea that tradition has absolute authority—part of what it means to be an American is to reject that idea.

As I explain in the book, much of the agenda of conservatives is anti-American screed.

Perhaps that is why Americans seem increasingly able to accept the idea (unless you preside as a Justice of the Supreme Court of California.) The opposing arguments simply do not withstand even generous scrutiny.

 

Empathy and Judges

Wednesday, May 27th, 2009

When Obama first discussed his thinking about the Supreme Court nomination to replace Justice Souter, he mentioned empathy as a qualification. And that set off a firestorm of criticism from Conservatives. Republican National Committee Chair Michael Steele howled, “Crazy nonsense empathetic! I’ll give you empathy. Empathize right on your behind!”

In more temperate tones, Senator Orrin Hatch of Utah warned that if a judge were to show empathy, “politics, preferences, personal preferences and feelings might take the place of being impartial and deciding cases based upon the law, not upon politics.”

But conservatives misunderstand empathy and legal judgment.

Empathy refers to our capacity to feel what others feel, to know what it is like to walk in someone else’s shoes—and it is absolutely essential to sound legal judgment.

As I pointed out yesterday, judges have to interpret the law and apply the law to the facts that constitute the case on which they are ruling. Supreme Court justices are making decisions that will set policy and legal standards for the entire nation. So their decisions have consequences. But most judges are wealthy, well-educated elites, insulated from the struggles less privileged people must endure. And their occupation gives them a unique outlook on the world not widely shared by people outside the legal profession. If their conception of the impact of their rulings is bounded by the cloistered, privileged parameters of their own lives, the result will not only be bad law, it will be law that is partial to their social and economic class. It is simply a myth that there is some standpoint, from which a judge can rule, shorn of values and divorced from the circumstances of life. The belief that there is such a standpoint is itself an ideology and a pernicious one at that.

So how can judges rule impartially? Through empathy—our ability to feel what others feel, the moral capacity that conservatives are so quick to ridicule

As Obama points out in The Audacity of Hope: “Empathy … calls us all to task, the conservative and the liberal, the powerful and the powerless, the oppressed and the oppressor. We are all shaken out of our complacency. We are all forced beyond our limited vision.”

Empathy is a necessary condition of impartiality—at least the kind of impartiality that humans (as opposed to machines) are capable of—because empathy makes us imagine, and thus come to know, how our actions affect others.

Stanley Fish, in commenting on this flap over empathy in the New York Times, is  alive to the role of values in applying the law but also seems to misunderstand the role of empathy. He writes:

“Rather than reasoning from legal principles to results, an Obama judge will begin with the result he or she desires and then figure out how to get there by what only looks like legal reasoning.

This is the answer to Dahlia Lithwick’s question, what’s wrong with empathy? It may be a fine quality to have but, say the anti-empathists, it’s not law, and if it is made law’s content, law will have lost its integrity and become an extension of politics. [Ed. Lithwick’s article is here]

Obama’s champions will reply, that’s what law always has been, and with Obama’s election there is at least a chance that the politics law enacts will favor the dispossessed rather than the powerful and the affluent.”

Fish seems to think a judge is on the horns of a dilemma—either she feels empathy and thus allows her preconceived moral ideology to govern her understanding of the law, or she coldly applies the law as written and thus enables her privileged position as advocate for the ruling class to be smuggled in disguised as objectivity.

But there need not be such a dilemma. Responsible judges begin with the law as written, constrained by precedent and legislative history. But then they ask whether the law so interpreted has the effect intended by lawmakers.

One needs empathy to answer this question. Empathy is not a conduit through which we splatter our preferences on an otherwise autonomous law. Empathy helps us discover the facts—it is fundamentally epistemological, not ideological.