Archive for the ‘Future of Liberalism’ Category

The Enthusiasm Gap

Thursday, September 23rd, 2010

Much has been made in the political press about the enthusiasm gap that separates Republicans and Democrats. Registered Democrats outnumber registered Republicans but Republicans are much more enthusiastic about voting this November than Democrats are, so Republicans are likely to pick up seats in the House and Senate.

There are lots of reasons for this enthusiasm gap. The party in power seldom does well in off-year elections in part because it is much easier to get enthusiastic about being an angry critic than it is to defend the hard slog of actually governing. But I think there is something to the view that part of the enthusiasm gap is explained by Obama’s failure to articulate progressive values.

Robert Reich provides a precise example of this failure:

Why is there an enthusiasm gap? Let me illustrate.

Today (Monday) at a “town hall” sponsored by CNBC in Washington, the President took questions about the economy. When a hedge-fund manager complained that Wall Street executives “feel like we’ve been whacked with a stick” by the administration, Obama said most of his critics think he’s been too soft on the Street.

He noted he still hasn’t been able to end the practice of taxing some hedge fund and private-equity earnings at the capital-gains rates rather than the higher income-tax rates. “The notion that somehow me saying maybe you should be taxed more like your secretary when you’re pulling home a billion dollars…a year I don’t think is me being extremist or anti-business.”

Good as far as he went. But that’s as far as he was willing to go. It was a golden opportunity for Obama to connect the dots — to make the case that

(1) super-rich financiers on Wall Street and top corporate executives have grown even richer than they were before the Great Recession, even though most Americans are getting poorer or losing their jobs and homes and savings, and more Americans are in poverty.

(2) Yet the lobbyists for the financiers and top corporate executives, and their Republican allies have blocked or tried to block every effort of the Administration to widen the circle of prosperity, including enacting a major jobs program, providing major relief for mortgage holders who are under water, helping working families afford college for their kids, making sure states and cities have enough money to pay our classroom teachers, and cutting taxes on average working people.

(3) They almost scuttled the effort to make sure health care would be affordable to average Americans.

(4) The super-rich say the nation can’t afford any of this because of budget deficits. Yet at the same time their platoons of lobbyists are fighting off efforts to treat their income as taxable earnings rather than capital gains. So last year the 400 richest families in America, with an average income of $300 million each, were taxed at an average rate of only 17 percent. That’s the same tax rate paid by a family earning $30,000.

(5) And they’re fighting off efforts to end the temporary Bush tax cuts. If they’re successful, the richest 1 percent of Americans will get a windfall of $36 billion next year. Millionaire families will avoid paying $31 billion in taxes. Over ten years, they’d avoid paying $700 billion.

(6) And they’re fighting off efforts to restore the estate tax, which only applies to the top 2 percent of Americans, and which has been in effect since Abraham Lincoln introduced it to help finance the Civil War. How do we afford national defense if the richest and most privileged Americans won’t pay their fair share?

(7) Wealth and power in this country are so distorted that the top 25 hedge-fund managers each earned an average of $1 billion last year. $1 billion would support 20,000 classroom teachers. Yet who contributes more to this country — a hedge-fund manager or a teacher?

But he didn’t.

Instead, he challenged tea-party activists to come up with specific spending cuts. “It’s not enough just to say, ‘Get control of spending.’ I think it’s important for you to say, you know, I’m willing to cut veterans’ benefits, or I’m willing to cut Medicare or Social Security benefits, or I’m willing to see taxes go up.”

Obama has done a fine job of getting progressive legislation enacted. But he has not played the role of educator-in-chief. The country has become more conservative on his watch and he bears some of the responsibility for that. But that is not a reason to refuse to vote in the November elections.

Democratic politicians need to acquire a spine, but so do some of their supporters.

Malaise on the Left

Thursday, July 1st, 2010

I admire Bob Herbert as a columnist but I disagree with this:

Mr. Obama and the Democrats have wasted the once-in-a-lifetime opportunity handed to them in the 2008 election. They did not focus on jobs, jobs, jobs as their primary mission, and they did not call on Americans to join in a bold national effort (which would have required a great deal of shared sacrifice) to solve a wide range of very serious problems, from our over-reliance on fossil fuels to the sorry state of public education to the need to rebuild the nation’s rotting infrastructure.

All of that could have been pulled together under the umbrella of job creation — short-term and long-term. In the immediate aftermath of Mr. Obama’s historic victory, and with the trauma of the economic collapse still upon us, it would have been very difficult for Republicans on Capitol Hill to stand in the way of a rebuild-America campaign aimed at putting millions of men and women back to work.

I too wish Obama had done more to advocate for a much, much larger stimulus package from the very beginning. But it is simple nonsense to argue that the Republicans would have found it difficult to oppose a job creation plan and that Obama could have actually succeeded at pushing such a bill through the Senate. Republicans filibustered Obama’s stimulus; they have filibustered unemployment extensions every time they have been proposed. They have filibustered education reform, infrastructure development, green jobs bills. Every Democratic proposal has been met with implacable opposition. Surely they would have opposed an even more robust initiative to create jobs.

In fact, given the opposition of Republicans and the ignorance of the public, Obama has accomplished as much as was realistically possible. The large, yet inadequate stimulus package, the Lilly Ledbetter Act, healthcare reform, withdrawal from Iraq, and hopefully financial reform are significant accomplishments.

Yet, I share the sense of dissatisfaction people like Herbert articulate, not because Obama lacks accomplishments but because he has not been an ideological leader. It is ironic that the former professor has done little to educate the public about where we have been and where we should be going. Pragmatic problem solving is fine and necessary; but we need leadership, a sharply defined vision of the kind of society we should aspire to, and a vocabulary by which to transform the national discourse. This is a tall order in the midst of the multiple disasters left by the previous administration. But it is nevertheless necessary at this historical moment.

M.J. Rosenberg gives voice to a similar sense of dissatisfaction:

We had hoped for much more. We wanted to feel what our grandparents and great-grandparents felt for FDR — that he was out there battling for working people, the unemployed, and, frankly, an America strikingly different than the one they were living in….I want FDR style politics and TR [Teddy Roosevelt] style rhetoric (”the bully pulpit”). Right now, I don’t see it. Neither does columnist Herbert. And, yes, I recognize the constraints. But Presidents have to transcend them, or at least be seen as fighting like hell. I don’t see that happening.

Obama’s presidency by any objective standard has been one of the most successful in history. But our time requires more than competence. We need moral transformation.

Never Listen to Conservatives

Sunday, May 23rd, 2010

David Leonhardt’s column in the NY Times  has an important reminder for those who think Obama’s mantra of change during his campaign was an empty slogan.

With the Senate’s passage of financial regulation, Congress and the White House have completed 16 months of activity that rival any other since the New Deal in scope or ambition. Like the Reagan Revolution or Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society, the new progressive period has the makings of a generational shift in how Washington operates.

First came a stimulus bill that, while aimed mainly at ending a deep recession, also set out to remake the nation’s educational system and vastly expand scientific research. Then President Obama signed a health care bill that was the biggest expansion of the safety net in 40 years. And now Congress is in the final stages of a bill that would tighten Wall Street’s rules and probably shrink its profit margins. [...]

[T]he turnabout since Jan. 20 — the first anniversary of Mr. Obama’s inauguration and the day after Scott Brown, a Republican, won a Senate seat in liberal Massachusetts — has been remarkable. Then, commentators pronounced the Obama presidency nearly dead. Today, he looks more like a liberal answer to Ronald Reagan.

 

Financial reform, health care reform, student loan overhaul, withdrawal from Iraq, restoring the stature and reputation of the U.S. throughout the world, the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act, expanded stem-cell research, new regulation of the credit card industry, new regulation of the tobacco industry, a national service bill, new mileage standards for automobiles, the beginning of the end of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, etc. These are all progressive goals that Obama has achieved and any progressive who is disappointed is simply not paying attention.

What is most remarkable about this is the change in the media’s narrative over the past few months.

Steve Benen reminds us of what the political discourse looked like a few months ago:

I’m occasionally reminded of a David Brooks column from early February. Scott Brown had just been sworn in to fill Ted Kennedy’s Senate seat, and there was a real and pervasive sense that the Obama presidency was not just moving in the wrong direction, but would fail to achieve anything else of consequence.

“If, a year ago, you had been asked to describe the administration’s goals in one sentence it would have been this: Barack Obama will usher in the third great wave of Democratic reform,” Brooks wrote at the time. “Franklin Roosevelt had the New Deal. Lyndon Johnson had the Great Society. Obama would take the third step, transforming health care, energy, education, financial regulation and many other sectors of American life…. It was not to be…. [T]he original Obama project, the third Democratic wave, is dead.”

As Leonhardt’s column makes clear, Obama’s agenda is anything but dead. Whether it succeeds as mightily as FDR’s accomplishments only time will tell. But this story once again is a healthy reminder that the mainstream media narrative is not worth paying much attention to.

But despite these accomplishments, the moribund economy inherited from the Bush Administration remains Obama’s Achilles heel. Paul Krugman continues to be pessimistic.

For the past few months, much commentary on the economy — some of it posing as reporting — has had one central theme: policy makers are doing too much. Governments need to stop spending, we’re told. Greece is held up as a cautionary tale, and every uptick in the interest rate on U.S. government bonds is treated as an indication that markets are turning on America over its deficits. Meanwhile, there are continual warnings that inflation is just around the corner, and that the Fed needs to pull back from its efforts to support the economy and get started on its “exit strategy,” tightening credit by selling off assets and raising interest rates. […]

But the truth is that policy makers aren’t doing too much; they’re doing too little. Recent data don’t suggest that America is heading for a Greece-style collapse of investor confidence. Instead, they suggest that we may be heading for a Japan-style lost decade, trapped in a prolonged era of high unemployment and slow growth.

As Krugman notes, interest rates are still low, inflation is nowhere to be seen, and in fact the danger is now deflation.

So what we should really be asking right now isn’t whether we’re about to turn into Greece. We should, instead, be asking what we’re doing to avoid turning Japanese. And the answer is, nothing.

It’s not that nobody understands the risk. I strongly suspect that some officials at the Fed see the Japan parallels all too clearly and wish they could do more to support the economy. But in practice it’s all they can do to contain the tightening impulses of their colleagues, who (like central bankers in the 1930s) remain desperately afraid of inflation despite the absence of any evidence of rising prices. I also suspect that Obama administration economists would very much like to see another stimulus plan. But they know that such a plan would have no chance of getting through a Congress that has been spooked by the deficit hawks.

In short, fear of imaginary threats has prevented any effective response to the real danger facing our economy.

It will be one of the great ironies of the Obama Administration that his laudable attempt to rise above partisanship in Washington led him to listen to conservatives who insisted on limiting the economic stimulus.

One should never listen to conservatives. Never.