Posts Tagged ‘Future of Liberalism’

Breaking the Filibuster

Monday, December 21st, 2009

As I noted yesterday, the health care reform debate has exposed a broken political process that progressives need to fix if our policy proposals are to succeed.

Right on cue,  a variety of commentators seem to be thinking along these lines, at least with regard to Republican misuse of the filibuster rules.

Via Political Animal:

“Just over the last couple of days, the issue has garnered attention from a variety of prominent voices. James Fallows described the explosion in the number of filibusters as a “basic and dangerous threat to the ability of any elected American government to address the big issues of its time.”

For most of the first 190 years of the country’s operation, U.S. Senators would, in unusual circumstances, try to delay a vote on measures they opposed by “filibustering” — talking without limit or using other stalling techniques…. The significant thing about filibusters through most of U.S. history is that they hardly ever happened. But since roughly the early Clinton years, the threat of filibuster has gone from exception to routine, for legislation and appointments alike, with the result that doing practically anything takes not 51 but 60 votes.

“In his print column today, Paul Krugman pointed to the problem to highlight the fact that this one Senate tactic has made the entire United States government “ominously dysfunctional.”

We need fundamental financial reform. We need to deal with climate change. We need to deal with our long-run budget deficit. What are the chances that we can do all that — or, I’m tempted to say, any of it — if doing anything requires 60 votes in a deeply polarized Senate?

Some people will say that it has always been this way, and that we’ve managed so far. But it wasn’t always like this. Yes, there were filibusters in the past — most notably by segregationists trying to block civil rights legislation. But the modern system, in which the minority party uses the threat of a filibuster to block every bill it doesn’t like, is a recent creation. [...]

Nobody should meddle lightly with long-established parliamentary procedure. But our current situation is unprecedented: America is caught between severe problems that must be addressed and a minority party determined to block action on every front. Doing nothing is not an option — not unless you want the nation to sit motionless, with an effectively paralyzed government, waiting for financial, environmental and fiscal crises to strike.

“E.J. Dionne Jr. wants the political world to wake up.”

In a normal democracy, such majorities would work their will, a law would pass, and champagne corks would pop. But everyone must get it through their heads that thanks to the bizarre habits of the Senate, we are no longer a normal democracy.

Because of a front of Republican obstruction and the ludicrous idea that all legislation requires a supermajority of 60 votes, power has passed from the majority to tiny minorities, sometimes minorities of one.

Late last week, Andy Stern, president of the Service Employees International Union, while talking about health care generally, was asked where progressives should be “putting their energies.” Stern immediately turned his attention to the filibuster: “The Senate is distorting democracy. They’ve set up a system that does not represent what the American people want–and not just on health care. It sets the stage for America to be unable to meet the challenges on everything from jobs to energy to trade to foreign policy…. I think that is morally wrong. It hurts America, diminishes its ability to solve problems.”

The misuse of filibuster rules in the Senate has been a topic of discussion all year in the blogosphere. It is about time the general public becomes aware of how this fundamentally distorts our political process.

When the few govern the many, we typically call that tyranny.

After Health Care Reform, Reform Democracy

Sunday, December 20th, 2009

It ain’t over till is over, but unless Joe Leiberman decides to move the goal posts again, it looks like the Democrats have enough votes to approve health care legislation.

The compromises necessary to win the votes of a few conservative Democrats have opened a yawning chasm within the Democratic Party between those who hail the plan as a giant leap forward for progressive ideals and those who are bitterly disappointed about what could have been.

 Paul Krugman on balance approves:

But let’s all take a deep breath, and consider just how much good this bill would do, if passed — and how much better it would be than anything that seemed possible just a few years ago. With all its flaws, the Senate health bill would be the biggest expansion of the social safety net since Medicare, greatly improving the lives of millions. Getting this bill would be much, much better than watching health care reform fail.

At its core, the bill would do two things. First, it would prohibit discrimination by insurance companies on the basis of medical condition or history: Americans could no longer be denied health insurance because of a pre-existing condition, or have their insurance canceled when they get sick. Second, the bill would provide substantial financial aid to those who don’t get insurance through their employers, as well as tax breaks for small employers that do provide insurance.

All of this would be paid for in large part with the first serious effort ever to rein in rising health care costs.

The result would be a huge increase in the availability and affordability of health insurance, with more than 30 million Americans gaining coverage, and premiums for lower-income and lower-middle-income Americans falling dramatically. That’s an immense change from where we were just a few years ago: remember, not long ago the Bush administration and its allies in Congress successfully blocked even a modest expansion of health care for children.

The bill establishes a fundamental principle that liberals have been advocating for decades—that all citizens have a right to health care, regardless of pre-existing conditions or the ability to pay.

This is a rare opportunity—I don’t see how a genuine progressive could vote against such a bill.

But having said that there is a sense in which the bill offers no real reform and progressives are right to be upset about our inability to replace a fundamentally broken system. The structure of the private, employer based insurance system is still in place. And the lobbying power of the insurance companies made sure of it—they stand to profit handsomely from 30 million new customers.

But such is the nature of political change in our system.

When Medicaid was passed it was unavailable to many low-income adults; the original Medicare bill didn’t cover people with disabilities, the original social security program excluded agricultural workers, government employees, railroad employees, etc. and offered no cost of living adjustments.

In order to achieve any significant social change, liberals must constantly battle to improve programs—but the programs first have to be written into law before they can be expanded.

Matt Yglesias thinks the bill is promising:

And the crucial question going forward is whether it will be possible to further improve this legislation.”

I think it’s very possible, but only if the people who are disappointed by the shortcomings of this bill take appropriate action. First and foremost, that means working as hard as possible to produce as good an outcome as possible in the 2010 midterm elections. [...]

[Y]ou accept compromises and then keep on working to build more political power. You do it by contacting members. You do it by urging friends and colleagues to contact members. You do it by donating to and volunteering for good candidates. You do it by turning out and voting for the better candidate in the race even when that candidate is disappointing. You do it by urging viable candidates to mount risky primary challenges against incumbents who don’t reflect the real possibilities of their constituency. You do it by staying engaged, and working hard.

I think this is an excellent bill, all things considered, but whether you agree with that or not the most important thing is what does the progressive community do going forward to enact even better bills in the future.

I agree; progressive voices calling for a defeat of the bill are delusional.

The issue that ought to have progressives riled up is not the bill itself but the process by which the bill was created, which reveals the utter corruption at the heart of our political system. The wholesale bribery which we call “democracy” was on view. The insurance companies made out like bandits with millions of customers who are now mandated to purchase insurance and no competition or price controls that would limit insurance company exploitation. Most of the bill was negotiated in secret with lobbyists and their pawns in Congress calling the shots, supported by the always supine media who praised the so-called “centrists” as genuine pragmatists rather than corporate whores.

What seems to be in tatters is Obama’s promise to change the culture of Washington. Of course, it is not obvious how that culture can be changed (without a wholesale change in the make-up of the Supreme Court which has persistently enabled the Washington cleptocracy with its rulings on commercial speech). Change requires legislation and, with a Republican Party in full-dress, nihilist regalia, Obama had little choice but to play ball with corporate shills like Lieberman and Ben Nelson.

So going forward, while we try to mend the defects in the health insurance system, we should devote more attention to finding some way of mending defects in our democracy—apparently elections aren’t sufficient.

 

Democrats’ Achilles Heel

Thursday, August 27th, 2009

The liberal Democratic message is that prosperity can be achieved and sustained only by building infrastructure and human capabilities through public works, education, public health improvements, etc.

But it takes time to generate economic growth through these mechanisms. Investments in children, for instance, take years to pay off. And in the short run, it all costs money. So Democratic programs and electoral success depend on economic growth to generate the funds to get these projects off the ground.

The problem is economic growth will be limited in the foreseeable future.

William Galston takes a look at the economic and budget forecasts recently released by the Office of Management and Budget and the Congressional Budget Office, and it doesn’t lead one to be optimistic:

If the consensus these documents represent is in the ballpark, the country and the Obama administration are in for a rough ride. Consider the following:

After shrinking over 2009, real GDP will grow only anemically in 2010 before that growth accelerates for a few years and then subsides to below 3 percent for the second half of the decade.

Unemployment will remain persistently high, averaging about 10 percent in 2010, when Democrats will be trying to defend their recent congressional gains. It will be close to 9 percent in 2011, but remain well above 7 percent as late as 2012, when President Obama presumably will run for reelection.

After years of economic recovery and growth, budget deficits will remain larger throughout the next decade than most economists (and the administration) consider acceptable, raising debt held by the public to between 67.8 percent (CBO) and 76.5 percent (OMB) of GDP by the end of the decade.

Without spending, the Democrats can’t do what the American public elected them to do. But without economic growth in the short run, deficits will continue to increase, making the arguments for spending less convincing.

The message Obama has to sell is that the deficits will produce prosperity in the long run. But that is a tough sell for a public that expects magic ponies for Christmas. Getting the public to consider the long term is Obama’s biggest challenge. But the debate over health care and the disappearance of the global warming from the agenda suggest he hasn’t made much progress in convincing the public to take the long view.

As I pointed out earlier this week, the budget numbers are the responsibility of one G.W. Bush. But that is the card Obama has been dealt.

Unless Obama becomes the “magic neurosurgeon” with the skills to heal the collective American psyche, his electoral prospects may be dim.