Posts Tagged ‘Health care reform’

After Health Care Reform, Reform Democracy

Sunday, December 20th, 2009

It ain’t over till is over, but unless Joe Leiberman decides to move the goal posts again, it looks like the Democrats have enough votes to approve health care legislation.

The compromises necessary to win the votes of a few conservative Democrats have opened a yawning chasm within the Democratic Party between those who hail the plan as a giant leap forward for progressive ideals and those who are bitterly disappointed about what could have been.

 Paul Krugman on balance approves:

But let’s all take a deep breath, and consider just how much good this bill would do, if passed — and how much better it would be than anything that seemed possible just a few years ago. With all its flaws, the Senate health bill would be the biggest expansion of the social safety net since Medicare, greatly improving the lives of millions. Getting this bill would be much, much better than watching health care reform fail.

At its core, the bill would do two things. First, it would prohibit discrimination by insurance companies on the basis of medical condition or history: Americans could no longer be denied health insurance because of a pre-existing condition, or have their insurance canceled when they get sick. Second, the bill would provide substantial financial aid to those who don’t get insurance through their employers, as well as tax breaks for small employers that do provide insurance.

All of this would be paid for in large part with the first serious effort ever to rein in rising health care costs.

The result would be a huge increase in the availability and affordability of health insurance, with more than 30 million Americans gaining coverage, and premiums for lower-income and lower-middle-income Americans falling dramatically. That’s an immense change from where we were just a few years ago: remember, not long ago the Bush administration and its allies in Congress successfully blocked even a modest expansion of health care for children.

The bill establishes a fundamental principle that liberals have been advocating for decades—that all citizens have a right to health care, regardless of pre-existing conditions or the ability to pay.

This is a rare opportunity—I don’t see how a genuine progressive could vote against such a bill.

But having said that there is a sense in which the bill offers no real reform and progressives are right to be upset about our inability to replace a fundamentally broken system. The structure of the private, employer based insurance system is still in place. And the lobbying power of the insurance companies made sure of it—they stand to profit handsomely from 30 million new customers.

But such is the nature of political change in our system.

When Medicaid was passed it was unavailable to many low-income adults; the original Medicare bill didn’t cover people with disabilities, the original social security program excluded agricultural workers, government employees, railroad employees, etc. and offered no cost of living adjustments.

In order to achieve any significant social change, liberals must constantly battle to improve programs—but the programs first have to be written into law before they can be expanded.

Matt Yglesias thinks the bill is promising:

And the crucial question going forward is whether it will be possible to further improve this legislation.”

I think it’s very possible, but only if the people who are disappointed by the shortcomings of this bill take appropriate action. First and foremost, that means working as hard as possible to produce as good an outcome as possible in the 2010 midterm elections. [...]

[Y]ou accept compromises and then keep on working to build more political power. You do it by contacting members. You do it by urging friends and colleagues to contact members. You do it by donating to and volunteering for good candidates. You do it by turning out and voting for the better candidate in the race even when that candidate is disappointing. You do it by urging viable candidates to mount risky primary challenges against incumbents who don’t reflect the real possibilities of their constituency. You do it by staying engaged, and working hard.

I think this is an excellent bill, all things considered, but whether you agree with that or not the most important thing is what does the progressive community do going forward to enact even better bills in the future.

I agree; progressive voices calling for a defeat of the bill are delusional.

The issue that ought to have progressives riled up is not the bill itself but the process by which the bill was created, which reveals the utter corruption at the heart of our political system. The wholesale bribery which we call “democracy” was on view. The insurance companies made out like bandits with millions of customers who are now mandated to purchase insurance and no competition or price controls that would limit insurance company exploitation. Most of the bill was negotiated in secret with lobbyists and their pawns in Congress calling the shots, supported by the always supine media who praised the so-called “centrists” as genuine pragmatists rather than corporate whores.

What seems to be in tatters is Obama’s promise to change the culture of Washington. Of course, it is not obvious how that culture can be changed (without a wholesale change in the make-up of the Supreme Court which has persistently enabled the Washington cleptocracy with its rulings on commercial speech). Change requires legislation and, with a Republican Party in full-dress, nihilist regalia, Obama had little choice but to play ball with corporate shills like Lieberman and Ben Nelson.

So going forward, while we try to mend the defects in the health insurance system, we should devote more attention to finding some way of mending defects in our democracy—apparently elections aren’t sufficient.

 

Moral Bankruptcy

Monday, December 14th, 2009

The question of whether we will have progressive health care reform or a new subsidy for the insurance companies comes down to whether the odious Joe Leiberman (Independent, CT) can be cajoled into supporting a public option or something very similar to it.

Yesterday, Leiberman seemed to pull the plug on that possibility, saying that he now opposes the Medicare expansion that he has supported in the past. The health care reform debacle illustrates once more the near impossibility of getting a liberal bill through the Senate.

But part of the reason goes beyond mere politics. As Matt Yglesias writes:

Can’t liberals be just as stiff-necked as Lieberman? Sure, they could. But liberals members do have an incentive to compromise—the tens of thousands of people who die every year for lack of health insurance. The leverage that Lieberman and other “centrists” have obtained on this issue (and on climate change) stems from a demonstrated willingness to embrace sociopathic indifference to the human cost of their actions.

The moral bankruptcy of so-called “centrism” becomes more apparent everyday but few seem to notice.

 

A Muted Celebration and More Work to Do

Sunday, November 8th, 2009

On Saturday night, for the first time in history, the House of Representatives passed legislation to provide near universal health insurance. There is still a lot of work to do before the bill becomes law and it will be a struggle getting it through the Senate. But nevertheless, Saturday’s accomplishment is noteworthy. Many Presidents and many congresses have tried to reform the health insurance system; only this President and this congress have gotten close to success.

So there is cause for some celebration.

President Obama issued the following statement:

“Tonight, in an historic vote, the House of Representatives passed a bill that would finally make real the promise of quality, affordable health care for the American people.

“The Affordable Health Care for America Act is a piece of legislation that will provide stability and security for Americans who have insurance; quality affordable options for those who don’t; and bring down the cost of health care for families, businesses, and the government while strengthening the financial health of Medicare. And it is legislation that is fully paid for and will reduce our long-term federal deficit.

“Thanks to the hard work of the House, we are just two steps away from achieving health insurance reform in America. Now the United States Senate must follow suit and pass its version of the legislation. I am absolutely confident it will, and I look forward to signing comprehensive health insurance reform into law by the end of the year.”

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) has to figure out how to generate 60 votes (in our current oligarchy, a majority isn’t sufficient) without a single defection from the Democrats. So the deal is not done. But it is close.

But now for the bad news. The downside of the House vote was that Democrats had to assent to the abhorrent Stupak amendment which prevents insurance companies participating in the health care exchanges from covering abortion services. Ann Friedman is right:

On some level, I don’t care about the nitty-gritty details of this amendment. This isn’t just about how the money is allocated or what workarounds exist. This has me so incredibly infuriated because it further segregates abortion as something different, off the menu of regular health care. It is a huge backward step in the battle to convey — not just politically, but to women in their everyday lives — that reproductive health care is normal and necessary, and must be there if (or, more accurately, when) you need it.

This also sets apart women’s rights from the Democratic/progressive/whatever agenda. As something expendable. But fundamental rights for women are not peripheral. They are core. And not just because of so-called “progressive” values. In a political sense, too: Seeing as how the Democratic party relies on women voters to win elections, you would think they would have come around to this no-brainer by now.

A significant number of congresspersons (Democrats and Republicans, mostly men) were willing to vote health care reform down if it didn’t include abortion restrictions. Thousands of people die every year because of lack of health insurance. Somehow that doesn’t matter. For the religious right, forcing everyone to conform to their “doctrine” is more important than saving lives. This is what they mean by a “culture of life”.

There is some chance that this amendment can be removed from the legislation before it becomes law.

Something to keep an eye on.

x-posted at Philosophy on the Mesa