Posts Tagged ‘Pakistan’

Pakistan and Israel: Let’s Withhold the Carrot

Thursday, April 23rd, 2009

Although Iraq, Afghanistan, and Iran remain challenging, these are largely unresolved issues from the Bush Administration.

Obama’s own greatest foreign policy challenges are Pakistan and Israel. The leadership of both countries are pursuing policies contrary to the interests of the U.S.

In Pakistan, the government in Islamabad seems incapable of stopping a Taliban insurgency that has occupied large portions of the country and has, in fact, ceded control of the legal system in some areas. And the newly formed civilian government seems as reluctant as the former military dictatorship to crack down on Taliban and Al Qaeda incursions into Afghanistan, despite massive U.S. military aid.

In fact, elements of the Pakistani military may view the Taliban insurgents as their ticket to return to power. The large middle class and the wealthy landowners would likely prefer another military junta to Taliban rule. Thus, the military may have no interest in stamping out the insurgency, as they can use the threat of Taliban rule as a club to persuade the country that only military rule stands between them and Sharia law.

Furthermore, it has been widely reported that the Intelligence Services in Pakistan are broadly sympathetic to radical Islam because they can count on the radical Islamists to stir the pot in Kashmir.

A nuclear armed Pakistan with large territories under Taliban control is surely not in our interests. But neither the current government nor the military, despite the alliance with the U.S., seem willing or able to do much about it.

In Israel, a rightwing government that is opposed to a two-state solution in Palestine has taken power and appears ready to resist any attempt by the Obama Administration to work toward a comprehensive solution to the Arab/Israeli conflict.

Opposition to a two-state solution is opposition to any solution at all since a single state, governing both Israelis and Palestinians, is inconceivable.

Yet, the Palestinian/Israeli conflict and the perceived indifference of the United States toward the plight of the Palestinians is the main source of conflict with the Islamic world.

Another ally pursuing their own aims in conflict with American interests.

The fact that other countries have no regard for our interests is not surprising—they have to attend to their own interests. But why then are we giving massive amounts of military aid to both Israel and Pakistan.

Shouldn’t the United States threaten to withhold such aid if they don’t pay more attention to U.S. interests? The loss of U.S. military aid would not only seriously threaten the resources available for both countries to continue their operations, it would also threaten the financial benefits that inevitably accrue to the individuals who are well positioned to siphon off some of the aid for themselves. They have powerful incentives to keep the aid flowing; thus they have powerful incentives to make sure U.S. aims are served.

With a credible threat to withhold military aid, we might see more rapid progress in both the Middle East and Pakistan.

The Road To Imperial Ruin

Tuesday, March 31st, 2009

Cross-posted at Philosophy on the Mesa.

One of the main themes of Reviving the Left is that the ethics of care is relevant in the political arena in areas such as foreign policy.

Unlike moral theories that strive for universality, and thus focus on what human beings have in common, the ethics of care rests prescriptions on knowledge of particular persons, their circumstances, and their differences, and the cultivation of empathy and perceptiveness to gain such knowledge.

Matt Yglesias makes a point about our approach to Pakistan that implicitly reinforces the importance of an ethic of care.

In responding to the argument that we may not be able to trust the Pakistanis to root out the Taliban and Al-Quaeda from tribal areas he writes:

“This sort of thing is, in my view, really the achilles heel of the American imperial project….And when we get involved in things like the internal politics of Pakistan, or political reform in Egypt, or wars in the Horn of Africa, and so forth we’re dealing in situations where the level of understanding is incredibly asymmetric. If you go to pretty much any country in the world, you’ll find that educated people there know more about the United States than you do about their country. Nobody at highest levels of the American government speaks Urdu. Or Arabic. Or Amharic or Somali or Pashto or Tajik.

Lots of people at high levels in the Pakistani government speak English….they have a vast bounty of media outlets to peruse to gather intelligence. And year-in and year-out Pakistan cares about the same smallish set of countries—Pakistani officials are always focused on issue in their region and issues with the United States. Our officials dance around—the Balkans are important this decade, Central Asia the next, Russia and the Persian Gulf flit on and off the radar, sometimes we notice what’s happening in Mexico, etc.

In other words, in a straightforward contest of power between the United States and Pakistan, we can of course win. But in a scenario where we are trying to manipulate the situation in Pakistan in such-and-such a way and Pakistani actors are trying to manipulate the situation for their own ends, the odds of us actually outwitting the Pakistanis are terrible. They’re in a much better position to manipulate us than we are them.

This is one reason why so many of our foreign policy and foreign aid initiatives go wrong. We assume that other people are like us. We assume they share our interests, habits of communication, and ways of looking at the world because we assume our way is simply the human way.

And these assumptions are encouraged by our dominant moral theories (e.g. Kantian or utilitarian theories) that enjoin us to act only on prescriptions on which it would be rational for anyone to act. Our moral reflection tends to take place on a very general and very generic level.